Justyna Gładysz Gliwice

Elections 1948. the great battle between red and priests attack assault

When even Mike Bongiorno and Lascia hypothesis were futuristic, the policy was anger and sweat. And it was in the square, face to face, in bedlam of the final campaign rally, with speakers (as many enemies as enemies ...) and took turns on stage and tried to charm the crowd to applause and shouts of supporters and mocking the protesters. Just sixty years ago, a counterpart to the last sleepy election campaign, ended one of the most heated political contests of the Republican history: the fateful elections of April 18, 1948. Those who, with the victory of the Christian Democratic Popular Front (PCI-PSI), the ultimate sign Italy's membership of the democratic field occidentale.Forlì had not yet recovered from the ravages of war, many were displaced and homeless, housed in emergency accommodation such as barracks and warehouses. Economic conditions were miserable for the vast majority of citizens and the political confrontation was poisoned by the strong ideological opposition. Perhaps only the common origin dall'antifascismo and the partisan struggle was holding the key policy areas - Democrats, Republicans and Social-- way to go from fact. In the mountains and farms of the underground storage 'reds' still had the weapons of war of liberation and the other side the police were ready to supply not only the' white 'but also, and above all, veterans of the RSI ready' curb Bolshevism '. LEADERS Franco were called in August (the mayor of liberation) and Adam Zanelli for the PCI, and Gino Giovanni Braschi Mattarelli for the DC, Just Tolloy for the Socialist Party and Bruno Angeletti for Pri. Yet there were episodes of tension in the stormy election campaign. First, the dispute centered on the electoral areas, with a fight to the poster on the walls of the city, mostly at night. It often happened that the brushes become imbued with the clubs, while those who climbed the stairs he ran the risk of being 'sabotaged' by some buio.Dopo opponent came out of the rupture of unity between the forces of resistance, the municipality was firmly in the hands of the left and in particular the PCI was a good and bad weather in the city. The same walls of the hall were a huge billboard election of the Popular Front with the emblem of Garibaldi. A face that, in the Democratic propaganda, the grin turned to Stalin. Why the 'red menace' was constantly agitated by scudocrociato and other right-wing forces. AND EVEN THE CHURCH fell heavily in the field with the Civic Committees (which gave an indication of the posters attacking at dawn, to prevent attack by communists who were torn instead came into action at midnight). Not only that, the parishes became the center of propaganda pro-Dc. "After dinner we discuss almost up to the 23 - reads the diary of Don Antonio Oratorio San Luigi Pirondi the date of March 19, 1948 - There is also the pastor. Subject: The way some of our young people in Bologna for the speech by De Gasperi. " And April 14: "After dinner large and small, and after a little 'game are almost all posters for ...». The priests were busy, with the slogan "God sees you in the voting booth, not Stalin." On April 18, at least in cities, the elections were held anyway in order. The prevalence of the Popular Front was very clear: the Social-21,232 votes (43%) against 11,220 (23%) to DC, 13376 (27%) to the PRI, a little less than three thousand votes to other parties, including for the first time Italian Social Movement (791 votes). At the national level but the Christian Democrats prevailed and the Popular Front for the defeat was burning. "Yes, it was a shock to the old leadership of the party - remember former Mayor Angelo Satanists, then a young member of the Communist Party - The first meeting after the elections took place in an atmosphere heavy and troubled. It went out with the reflection that it was necessary to urge De Gasperi on compliance with and enforcement of the Constitution. And today I think if we had won we would have had major problems mainly internally. To rate reform is too low among the former leaders of the party '.

Positive Is The Grounded Jump Start

commander free: fascist spy or hero?

commander Partisan free: hero Resistance and cunning double agent or a victim of the Stalinist and fascist provocateur? More than sixty years after his tragic death (he was executed in 1944 and his body was never found), researchers, historians, polemicists and politicians continue to divide the interpretation of his figure. Davide Spagnoli, a research specialist in the history of Forli Italian communism, has dramatically cut the knot in an article published in the journal 'The timing of the people'. Documents fascists (of prefectures, secret police and militia) show beyond doubt - in the opinion of Spaniards - that the partisan commander Free (nom de guerre of Richard Fedele) was a collaborator the scheme since the twenties. The goal is polemical English Giampaolo Pansa, who indicated Free as a victim of Stalinism in his last book, which reproduces the research Advocate Christmas Graziani, author of an article in the journal 'Studies Romagna'.

SPANISH Pansa said that if he had the humility to go to Central State Archives in Rome and had examined the dossier secret police (the fascist political police) made out to the faithful, not then sought to rehabilitate him. The documents cited by the researcher forlivese start with a petition of the mother of the Faithful, dated 1926, so that the young (at that time had just twenty years) is granted passport and a small amount to go abroad to work, under the previous 'revelations' to the police station in Venice. "This letter leaves no doubt - says English - Riccardo Fedele has already started his career as a police informer fascist." At the time the child is filed as an anti-fascist and communist sympathizer. Was sentenced to three years of residence, but special note - English - was freed after only eleven months. In a report dated November 14, 1927 the Militia then citing "Confidences Richard Fedel former political prisoners, about a Communist conspiracy organized at Ravenna in 1925."

IT IS a controversial story that occurred during the period of military service of the Faithful, perhaps the young man had fallen into a subversive provocation of the military and was carried away in an unlikely plot which had as one consequence the rupture of an underground network anti-fascist. "The dossier is full of accusations," said Spagnoli. But even more disturbing is a document presenting the Militia (Msvn) dated March 9, 1928 where the faithful is defined in no uncertain terms 'trust in the informant subversive movement'. A real 'identity card' for the spy who, after certifying the Prefect of Venice, it would be proposed as an agent provocateur involving a group of communists in a series of attacks. And so free that we find in 1943 at the head of the first partisan groups in the Apennines? "Yes - English insurance - It 's technically a fascist spy, but it does not for ideology. It 'an unscrupulous who believes only in himself, an unbalanced and unwise if you believe the definitions of the fascist authorities. "

his plan for accreditation and be a partisan army as a military leader with the Allies, however, comes into conflict with the directives of command partisan hegemony of the PCI. "And there's not a power struggle with how to support Hilary Tabarro Graziani and Pansa," said Spagnoli. Tabards clear liquid just under the directives of partisan control. And the death sentence for Free is real, not a fake document to cover a Stalinist crime. "Among the charges against him - claims the English - there are allegations of 'secret and forbidden contact with the command of the Fascist Militia of St. Sophia and Bologna'. It 'an indirect confirmation of the old bond that the faithful had with the Fascist Militia. " (Emanuele Chesi)


CHRISTMAS GRAZIANI is a well-known in Romagna for his past professional activities, but also as president of the Academy of long Incamminati Modigliana (which remains honorary chairman) and for his work as a historian and writer. He lives in Florence for some time but it follows almost daily life Romagna and jumped on the chair when he read the article by David Spagnoli, according to him, "considered but not digested in the name of the secret police dossier Fedel Richard at the central store of state in Rome, and the partisan ruling that is produced with some of that dossier of documents piecemeal Ovra failing to say that truth was Richard's friend Arrigo Boldrini Bulow, who had indicated at the head of the partisans in the mountains "for wanting to pass spy and traitor, a priori, the first commander of the partisan groups in Forli. Graziani harshly criticizes the conclusions of the researcher Forlì and defends his 58-page essay that appeared in the LV volume of Studies Romagnoli, for his biography of Free is based on hundreds of its documents (which has largely photocopied including pieces played by the Spaniards) that exists in State of Rome, the central political issue of criminal n.13575 payable to "Richard was Fedel Biagio - Communist dangerous - sheet ', which opened in 1925 by the Ministry of Interior - General Directorate of Public Security, General Affairs Department reserved category 2. a. "I confirm - says Graziani - everything I have published studies in Romagnoli and I think fair to say that the version of English is not imaginative as he said it would be mine. It 's not true. English colleague in the Ovra Fedel since December 1925, but was formed by Ovra Bocchini police chief in 1927. Spaniards have called for 'humility to go to the central state in Rome and examine the file name of secret police in Fedel Riccardo ... rich in its denunciations made by Riccardo faithful '. In reality there is no file name for this Ovra; the only one that is no 13575, as I have consulted and quoted above. And yet things worse Christmas Graziani, "writes Richard Fedel Spaniards passed himself off as 'commander of all guerrilla forces in central Italy' with senior British officers Neame, Boyd and O'Connor, former prisoners of war in the Apennines forlivese repaired after September 8. Free partisan took command in the mountains and came on 1 December 1943, the British officers had gone for two months. " Then the final jab "says English court ruling that the 8th Brigade Garibaldi partisan 'leaves no doubt'. Not one: it is a fake! On April 22, 1944, the date of decision, the 8th Brigade Garibaldi was not there yet. Only in early May 1944, the military and political cadres of Ravenna and Forlì, sent a present of the general command of the Garibaldi Brigades, meeting in San Leonardo, near Forlì, decided the recovery of the formation of mountains (destroyed in the Great rastrellamentodi April) was named the 8th Brigade Garibaldi Romagna. " (Interview by Oscar Bandini)